Late Roman Spain and Its Cities. By MICHAEL KULIKOWSKI. Baltimore and
London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004. Pp. xxi + 489. Cloth, $57.00.
ISBN 0–8018–7978–7.
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CJ Forum Online Exclusive 2009.02.03
The title and cover picture of a book are inseparably connected; the cover,
so to speak, depicts the words, illustrating the subject they name or
referring to one of its parts. Michael Kulikowski’s monograph does not
meet this expectation. The cover picture shows the terrace sanctuary of
Munigua or rather, to put it more precisely, its monumental retaining wall
at its western side. It thus presents a view that appears after a walk of
about 9 km—the starting point is the small town of Villanueva del Rio y
Minas—through the foothills of the Sierra Morena, through olive groves,
woods of holm oaks and cork-oaks, along good-natured and lethargic bulls.
As we know due to the long years of excavations by the Deutsches
Archäologisches Institut Madrid, Munigua, located about 50 km northeast of
Seville with an area of four hectares, was an extremely small municipium
which began to be important under the Flavii. The prosperity of the town,
with its podium temple, smaller sanctuaries, a two-storeyed hall, forum,
thermal baths, domus, town wall and the gigantic terrace sanctuary, was
based on ore mining—at first copper and later iron—in the immediate
hinterland. But an earthquake made the inhabitants abandon Munigua as early
as in the first half of the 3rd century. Choosing the only terrace
sanctuary on the Iberian peninsula for a cover picture of a book on the
cities of Spain in late antiquity thus requires an explanation.
Michael Kulikowski’s explanation is divided into twelve chapters. On the
basis of historiographic and epigraphic, and particularly material
tradition he first offers a systematic discourse on different constituents
of the “habitat” of a city during the imperial period (Chapters 1–6),
followed by a chronological reconstruction of the events of late antiquity
(Chapters 7–12). In K.’s opinion, the different types of cities founded
in the course of the administrative re-organization of the Hispanic
provinces under Augustus were decisive for the process of Romanization:
only in this context was the indigenous elite able to accept the “Roman
way of life.” As early as during the period of the Flavii its members
internalized the patterns of behavior that defined a citizen as such: they
led an institutionally determined social life, and thus held municipal or
rather provincial offices, fulfilled their obligations (e.g. as patrons)
and used the medium of inscriptions to express their civil participation.
The already proverbial “decline of the epigraphic habit,” starting in
the 3rd century—of about 20,000 inscriptions we know from the Republican
period to the Arab invasion, less than one-tenth date from the four and a
half centuries after 250—is not regarded by K. as expressing a decline of
the cities. In his opinion, this change instead only reflects an alteration
in the local way of life, and is not at all a paradigm of the general
“crisis of the 3rd century” postulated by research during the 1960s as
a result of the so-called “invasions” first by the Mauri during the
reign of Marcus Aurelius and later by the Franci. Nor, K. argues, is it
possible to prove a general improvement of all city walls, or to identify
destruction horizons or a rural exodus as a consequence. Much more, in his
opinion the excavations during the past 25 years show that only 17 of the
more than 40 city walls date from the 3rd or 4th century; the villae cum
grano salis show continued settlement from the turn of the millenium to the
time of the Visigoths; and cities like Tarragona, Mérida, Córdoba,
Itálica and Ampurias display a picture of unbroken continuity,
particularly regarding their institutions. Only these, K. argues, are
decisive criterion for the continued existence of the Empire: “Where
people held imperial office there was an empire; where they did not, there
was not” (p. 83; see pp. 152, 192). Thus, only for the end of the 5th
century, when the murder of Maiorian made this type of political
participation impossible, does K. recognize discontinuity. The history of
the “disappearance” of Roman Spain, after all, is “the first
narrative history” (p. 153) we could write, due to the fact that only now
do the chronicles begin, and thus K. tells of the invasions by the Suebes,
Vandals and Alans; of Rome trying in vain to resist with the help of the
Visigoths; of the Visigoths successfully occupying the country once the
balance of power had turned; and of Gothic magnates making “history”
during a period with no efficient supra-local power. He also discusses the
beginnings of Christendom on the Iberian peninsula; the martyrdoms during
the period of persecution; and a Christian-influenced monumentalizing of
cities like Mérida in the 5th century which tried to include the
martyr’s basilicas, located extra muros, into their topographies. K.
further describes the new political-religious local rule of the bishops,
their supra-regional councils, and the Spanish church between heresy and
orthodoxy, and he points for a final time to the unbroken significance of
the “habitat” of the city itself in the “New World of the Sixth
Century”: although in place of several hundred civitates during the
imperial period there are only about 80 ones in the age of the bishops, the
low quantity, K. suggests, does not affect their importance as centers of
rule even in a “post-imperial world.”
K.’s conclusion comes as no surprise and—in contrast to the title and
the cover picture of his book—requires no explanation. This is a profound
and stimulating event history of the Iberian peninsula in late antiquity,
and thus, after more than two decades, there is again an overview of the
subject in the English language [[1]] whose level of research is reflected
both in the extensive endnotes—increasing with the centuries—and the
more than 50 pages of bibliography. This part of the book amounts to 150
pages, and it is difficult to see why the first 150 pages, literally
starting with “The Creation of Roman Spain” and even employing the
Republic as a background, seemed a conditio sine qua non for those that
follow. K.’s particular focus is on cities, and he provides an
overview—somewhat fragmentary because it is scattered in various chapters
that have varied interests—of these urban histories. K. does not explain
the criteria for his choices: he discusses the history of the three Roman
provincial capitals and of conventus main places like Zaragoza, but also of
Ampurias and Munigua. The general impression is that the existence of
source evidence and recent excavations, rather than criteria like the legal
status of the area in question, have motivated his decision. On the other
hand, no case is discussed ex negativo: no matter how convincing the source
situation, it is considered evidence—now and then completed by analogical
inference. Thus K. states that, according to the archaeological evidence,
the domus east of the forum at Munigua were repaired and at the same time
completed in such a way as to house more residents. He also states that
apart from structures of residential buildings and possibly rows of shops
along the streets towards the terrace sanctuary, the necropolis as well
indicates an increase of population. This evidence hardly justifies
speaking of a “dramatic example” (p. 21) of a city flourishing in late
antiquity, in contrast to the imperial period. Conclusions like this
require significant bases; and in this case, at least, K. does not offer
them.
SABINE PANZRAM
Universität Hamburg
[[1]] Until now, one was dependent on E.A. Thompson, The Goths in Spain
(Oxford, 1969); R. Collins, Early Medieval Spain. Unity in Diversity,
400–1000 (London, 1983); or E. James, ed., Visigothic Spain: New
Approaches (Oxford, 1980).
[[2]] This conclusion is only based on K.E. Meyer, C. Basas and F.
Teichner, Mulva IV (Mainz, 2001) = Madrider Beiträge 27; the author did
not take cognizance of the most recent publication by T.G. Schattner,
Munigua: Cuarenta Años de Investigaciones (Madrid, 2003) = Arqueología:
Monografías, who leads the actual excavations and does not dare this
interpretation.
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